It is time to investigate Forbes for deceitful publications and research misconduct

Forbes “who-is-who or who-is-Not” series remain a marketing strategy facilitated through a questionable process to woo the highest bidders, but the repercussions are eating deep into their integrity. 

A violation of fundamental standards in professional study experimentation is a big deal. In fact, the integrity of all experiments and professional research studies are often preserved by codes for scholarly conduct and ethical behavior implanted to minimize false reporting and other disreputable activities. Given this circumstance,   a chain of publications by Forbes using specific experimental ratings to pronounce who is rich or poor among regions, gender, and other categories of businesses is emitting some red signals.


By Anthony Obi Ogbo


Forbes is an American bi-weekly business magazine reputed for who-is-who features related to finance, industry, investment, and marketing. With outstanding circulation figures, this magazine has been around since 1917, spinning topical feature stories on every subject areas, including communications, science, politics, and law.

However, contradictions and controversies that pervade Forbes research and publications must not just be ignored.  For instance, the recent arrest of one Obinwanne Okeke (Forbes 100 Most Influential Young Africans 2018) in the United States by operatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has validated every suspicion.  Okeke, an acclaimed global entrepreneur who has long been celebrated by Forbes was nabbed for allegedly defrauding top American companies of huge sums of money.

For years, Okeke, chairman ‘Invictus Group’ was Forbes-endorsed model for entrepreneurial success. He had appeared on the cover of Forbes Africa who named him one of ’30 Entrepreneurs Under 30 to Watch’. He was one of the featured speakers at the Forbes Under-30 Summit EMEA 2017 held in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, Israel. This summit convened the greatest young entrepreneurs and game-changers from America, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa to foster world-changing ideas.

In the age of information technology, the major concern remains how Forbes could explain this romance without authentic verification of Okeke’s sources of income.

This article is not intended to attack the fundamental nucleus of the entrepreneurial process or success. In strong words, it is critical of how a few editors can just sit down in an obscure Jersey City office and joggle up figures to control who-is-who or who-is-Not.

One of Forbes’ best business models, Obinwanne Okeke in chains: For years, Okeke, chairman ‘Invictus Group’ was Forbes-endorsed model for entrepreneurial success. He had appeared on the cover of Forbes Africa who named him one of ’30 Entrepreneurs Under 30 to Watch’. He was one of the featured speakers at the Forbes Under-30 Summit EMEA 2017 held in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, Israel.

In my last book, Maxima of Political Leadership,” I explained how Forbes controverted its own grading track with study ranks and figures that were inconsistent with reality. I faulted Forbes 2018 World’s Most Innovative Companies because none of the top six made it to the first ten companies listed in their World’s Most Valuable Brands. Thus, it would be hard to explain how Forbes top 7 technology-based most valuable firms (Apple, Google, Microsoft, Facebook, Amazon, Samsung, and AT&T) were not found in its top list of innovative firms. Strange, isn’t it?

To make its activities more distrustful, Forbes has been consistent with its promotion and publication of unscrupulous global merchants with a questionable source of income. The publication would always label their sources of income as “oil and gas” or “self-made.” But the question is, when has “self-made” become a source of 10-figure business income?

Ms. Alakija and Ibrahim Babangida: Forbes totally failed to investigate that this woman’s wealth was tied to two of the most corrupt regimes in the continent’s history of politics. Alakija’s fashion business was tied to Nigeria’s president Ibrahim Babangida family, whereas her oil and gas ventures were indirectly sourced and sustained by President Olusegun Obasanjo.

This might be the case with this woman called Ms. Folorunsho Alakija who was leading a high-volume offshore scheme. Forbes romanced with Alakija’s wealth without appropriately investigating the ethical matters behind her very source of oil and gas business. Yet Alakija made it to Forbes lists of Power Women 2016, Billionaires 2019; Africa’s Billionaires 2019; with her source of income listed “oil and self-made.”

Forbes further totally failed to investigate that this woman’s wealth was tied to two of the most corrupt regimes in the continent’s history of politics. Alakija’s fashion business was tied to Nigeria’s president Ibrahim Babangida family, whereas her oil and gas ventures were indirectly sourced and sustained by President Olusegun Obasanjo.

 It may be recalled that in 2016,   Obasanjo bragged during a public speaking that Mrs. Alakija, was among the 25 billionaires he made during his tenure as President. Alakija,in turn,  accused Obasanjo’s administration of forcefully taking back a bulk of the profit generated from the said oil venture.  The revelation without a doubt was that these corrupt leaders and business folks were busy enriching themselves off of public funds in a country where unemployment and poverty rate are off the roof. 

Aliko Dangote, of the Dangote Group, is no exception. Dangote is an acclaimed Africa’s richest man who would claim he made his money being the continent’s largest cement producer. Dangote made it to Forbes lists of Powerful People 2018, Billionaires 2019, and Africa’s Billionaires 2019, with his sources of income listed as cement, sugar, flour, and again “Self Made.”

Mr. Dangote was not honest about his business. Dangote has systematically colluded with various regimes in Africa to stockpile government contracts; colluded with regimes to quash competition and create a monopoly and product scarcity to drive price and demand. He had used billions made off of unscrupulous ventures to conspire with different interests to influence elections through backdoor donations and sponsorships; and consequently used his wealth to direct political and economic interests to himself.

Celebrating Dangote, Alakija, Okeke: With its sloppy features and documentary stories often promoting crooked billionaires with questionable character, Forbes should be investigated to determine if there is collusion in the process to fabricate figures for abnormal profit.

With its sloppy features and documentary stories often promoting crooked billionaires with questionable character, Forbes should be investigated to determine if there is collusion in the process to fabricate figures for abnormal profit.  Research studies should seek truth and cultivate new knowledge to grow social development. In modern research, legal and ethical issues associated with the subject and researcher are a great component. Fabrication and manipulation of data make up serious scientific misconduct. Forbes must come clean.

Forbes “who-is-who or who-is-Not” series remain a marketing strategy facilitated through a questionable process to woo the highest bidders, but the repercussions are eating deep into their integrity.  The motivation to commit scientific misconduct in these publications are obvious–to boost circulation, enlarge advertising base, and rake in revenue by auctioning their ratings.

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Omowole Sowore – an activist, a revolutionist or an inglorious hooligan?

Revolution breeds anarchy. Political activism becomes hooliganism when they are engineered by unscrupulous political vandals with ulterior motives.

So when the owner of the Sahara Reporters Mr. Omowole Sowore was arrested by security agents for his planned violent protests against the Nigerian government, some activists went on the air to preach the civil liberty gospel. The major argument was that arresting this activist in a protest that has not occurred is undemocratic because no laws have been broken. That makes sense, but utterly nonsensical in practical terms.


By Anthony Obi Ogbo


The basic way to manage domestic terrorism is to wrestle the symptoms and mitigate them. Leaders who fail to follow this rule are often caught up with horrendous incidents where they would end up counting dead bodies.  As I write, the United States of America are reeling from yet more gruesome sights of violence and death when in less than 13 hours and nearly 1,600 miles apart, two mass shootings left at least 29 dead and 53 injured.

SOWORE (right). In some of the videos he posted in the social media, he incited young folks to joining his cause – suggesting unrestricted resistance and possible showdown. Such proposals would definitely leave any law enforcement with several options to mitigate chaos as well as investigate possible violations. 
 

Sowore’s arrest triggered a long thread of disagreement in the social media about the empirical meaning of the term “revolution.” Some defended Sowore’s proposed revolution as a mere protest because there were no violent undertones, whereas others suggested that his call might bring violence and anarchy. In fact, some compared the current administration with the previous regime of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan – arguing that the latter offered unprecedented freedom to his opposition. But democracy does not work like that.  If indeed the former President Jonathan failed to prosecute vandals who threatened his regime with violent revolution that might not be democratic but a clueless display of idiocy.

In political governance, the severity of a call for a revolution would depend on the actors, their conduct, and political environment.  But for Nigeria, a nation which has endured a horrific civil war, multiple coups, and several destructive and violent protests, a call for a revolution by a controversial group or individual might not just be overlooked by any meaningful law enforcement.

There is no doubt that the word “Revolution” is broad and lacks unambiguous meaning in basic definition. Also, most scholars would agree that the universal objective of any revolution would be to facilitate a transformation from an existing state to a higher level of system success – which may or may not be violent. However, in political governance, the severity of a call for a revolution would depend on the actors, their conduct, and political environment.  But for Nigeria, a nation which has endured a horrific civil war, multiple coups, and several destructive and violent protests, a call for a revolution by a controversial group or individual might not just be overlooked by any meaningful law enforcement.

Sowore’s latest case is basically a misleading political venture. From all indications, he wanted to be arrested so as to build a political base from a socially vulnerable populace who would see him as a hero. He was the Presidential Candidate for the African Action Congress (AAC), a party he founded. However, he failed terribly in the election. 

His political career crumbled soon after the election, when in July, a Federal High Court in Abuja validated his suspension in his own party. He was suspended February 23, for allegedly engaging in anti-party activities. This was when Sowore switched his title to “comrade.”

His political career crumbled soon after the election, when in July, a Federal High Court in Abuja validated his suspension in his own party. He was suspended February 23, for allegedly engaging in anti-party activities. This was when Sowore switched his title to “comrade.” He quickly consulted prominent activists opposed to the regime to market his project. He used his social media platform to share videos advocating a violent revolution in a proposed nationwide protest scheduled for August 5, 2019.” In his own words, Sowore vowed, “This is just a rehearsal of what is going to be the biggest revolution in this country”, claiming that some “big wings” in the opposition parties especially the PDP had already accepted it as a new face in the country.

Sowore’s latest case is basically a political venture. From all indications, he wanted to be arrested so as to build a political base from a socially vulnerable populace who would seem him as a hero. He was the Presidential Candidate for the African Action Congress (AAC), a party he founded. However, he failed terribly in the election.

Based on Sowores proposals, we may not need to recite any laws to assess his objectives. He is a self-acclaimed revolutionist who wants to lead a violent rebellion against his government. In some of the videos he posted in the social media, he incited young folks to joining his cause – suggesting unrestricted resistance and possible showdown. Such proposals would definitely leave any law enforcement with several options to mitigate chaos as well as investigate possible violations. 

Just a little background – Sowore  is not a new name in current Nigeria’s leadership crisis. He is not a part of the current government, but the role he played during the electioneering season that elected the incumbent leaves him without further introduction in the Nigeria’s political history.  He operated the Sahara Reporters, an internet controversial news blog which he started and operated at the time in his Manhattan’s studio apartment.

He untruthfully claimed that Sahara Reporters was set up to fight corruption and wrong government practices – thus received undisclosed grants from both the Ford Foundation and Omidyar Foundation. Contrary to these objectives,  Sowore was accused of using this platform as a bargaining tool to court unscrupulous politicians whom he collaborated with to blackmail the previous regime headed by Dr.  Jonathan.

He untruthfully claimed that Sahara Reporters was set up to fight corruption and wrong government practices – thus received undisclosed grants from both the Ford Foundation and Omidyar Foundation. Contrary to these objectives,  Sowore was accused of using this platform as a bargaining tool to court unscrupulous politicians whom he collaborated with to blackmail the previous regime headed by Dr.  Jonathan.

For instance, the regime accused Sowore of  receiving a $5m mansion-gift from the major opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). The regime claimed Sowore is being bribed to use his online news platform to “mislead and hoodwink gullible and highly brainwashed Nigerians through highly biased, junk, sensational and sectional journalism.” But Sowore denied the allegations, describing President Goodluck Jonathan as a “cheap blackmailer and liar’. In fact, Sahara Reporters at the time published an unsubstantiated poll which showed that Dr. Jonathan “would be defeated by 75% if pitched against Buhari”  in the 2015 general election.

But besides the aforementioned trade of accusations and counter-accusations, Sowore’s collaboration with the APC in pulling down the incumbent at the time to elect this current regime remains as clear as spring water. He supported unequivocally, all fabricated campaign propaganda orchestrated by the opposition and promoted editorial columns and video blogs tailored to frantically destroy the structure of Nigeria’s politics in order to pave way for his opposition collaborators.

So the issue is how such a character could turn around and become a “Comrade” overnight  in the same democratic structure he painstakingly destroyed. Do not get this wrong.  Sowore has the right to agitate his grievances with the regime or their policies. In a democracy, the statutory functions of civil liberty is not negotiable. The regime cannot authoritatively interfere with the citizens’ rights to peacefully assembly, protest, speak out, or advocate a redress of policies. But it must also be noted that in constitutional democracy where written laws direct all functions of the government, a call for a revolution could be treasonable, especially where it is perceived to obstruct national security or public safety.

A protest or call for revolution loses the civil liberty protection where actors and actions or proposed engagements undermine the laws of the land. Furthermore, whereas freedom to protest is unequivocally legitimate, inflammatory communication systematized by actors loaded with ulterior motives to invoke ferocious actions might be subversive and felonious.

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

The shame of amoral witchery: Obasanjo’s abuse of elder statesmanship

He led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption.


By ANTHONY OBI OGBO

Eldership is not a position but a legacy of great sagacity. It is a title earned through the ability to influence subordinates through knowledge, sheer experience, understanding, unequivocal judgements, and commonsense. The core values of elder statesmanship are not just built on age, but grounded in virtues synchronized with ethics and kind-heartedness. 

In other words, it is fair to say that a former South African president, Nelson Mandela was an elder statesman. This clarification is necessary for most individuals or perhaps analysts who would erroneously refer to every aged politician or community leader as elder statesman with the least consideration of the values each of them live.

A former Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo is one of such politicians unknown by those who followed his political choices and actions.  For clarity, Pa Obasanjo is an 82-old senior who has ruled Nigeria twice –  as a civilian and once a military junta, and who still has not giving up his hunger for absolute power. From 2007 when he concluded his service as his nation’s civilian leader, this man has not given up his drunkenness for power and public resources, rather, he had pervaded the political system in the most twisted manner; destroyed younger politicians who would not partake in his treachery and bullied others who still worshipped him like a demigod.  

As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.” 

But among almost a thousand descriptions of this former President by those who claimed they knew him, only his daughter, Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo has rendered his portrait with unimpeachable accuracy. One good thing about women is that they can tell their own blood better without forensic evidence. Hence, Iyabo knew her dad in-and-out, describing him as a “narcissistic megalomaniac personality” who would always “accuse someone else of what he so obviously practice.” 

As if this wasn’t enough, Iyabo, lashed out another frustration with a father she publicly disowned, stating “We, your family, have borne the brunt of your direct cruelty and also suffered the consequences of your stupidity but got none of the benefits of your successes.”  This was in 2013. 

Also, it may be recalled that in 2008, Pa Obasanjo’s own son, Gbenga, in an affidavit following a messy divorce case with his wife, Mojisola, accused this former president of having sex with his wife as an exchange for government contracts. I do not mean to dig up these issues about Pa Obasanjo, but his tenacious underhanded advances into Nigeria’s leadership system, from regime-to-regime,  necessitate making a few references of his ramshackle credibility and deceitful claims of eldership. 

But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed.

After his presidency tenure, when he became the  chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Obasanjo handled his business selfishly, and mean-heartedly split his party into political in-groups. He created diminutive rebellious factions and positioned them to fight each other. After the aged leader was done, he cunningly resigned from his party’s top leadership position in 2012, claiming that he wanted to fulfill his duties as a statesman locally and internationally. 

But did he actually resign as an elder statesman? Not really. Obasanjo joined forces with the opposition and secretly began to trade-off confidential information in his possession to destroy PDP, the same party that drove him through two tenures of presidency. He wrote a public letter and fabricated destructive intelligence allegations to destroy the incumbent then, former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom he politically groomed and installed. But the major reason behind these ugly advances was because President Jonathan rightfully adopted a governance process that sidestepped Obasabjo’s despotic influence and selfish political demands –  a culture of appointing political leaders for elective offices behind closed doors – telling candidates when to run and when not to run for offices; and controlling all government offices like a flat screen with the remote.

So, with the aforementioned thesis of the evils of his political witchery, why would Obasanjo be trusted with policy-making thoughts and reflections? Earlier this week, he published another letter – a crafted fiction of mass-destruction which he addressed to President Buhari, warning that  “Nigeria is on the precipice and dangerously reaching a tipping point where it may no longer be possible to hold danger at bay.” What nonsense!

In Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives. 

With Obasanjo’s injurious influence, the issue becomes conceivable, on why any electorate who wants peace, progress, and unity in Nigeria would accord him any attention. Besides these controversial letters where he would usually fabricate allegations to throw his country into chaos, Obasanjo has consistently made damaging comments to ensure a failure of any regime that scorns his dubious advances. For instance, in Promoting President Buhari’s candidacy against the then incumbent, President Jonathan in 2015, Obasanjo said, “I hope that we will not have a coup – I hope we can avoid it.” This is exactly Obasanjo’s trademark – an illustration of hopeless rubbish with ulterior motives. 

Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.

Obasanjo is not an elder statesman but an over-aged wizard intoxicated by coercive power and arrogance. Within his eight-year presidency, he led the most corrupt administration in the Nation’s history; groomed a gang dubious politicians and contractors who had raped Nigeria’s economy and political prospects almost beyond redemption. Further, he ran an apprenticeship of dubious power merchants and lobbyists who infiltrate the system with crooked politicians.   Today, most of Obasanjo’s “students” are still within the boundaries of policy-making caucus, causing havoc in the system. 

But for Nigerians who still play the Russian roulette with their national unity, it must be noted that this region endured thousands of lives, punitive decrees, never-ending transition processes, absurd economic programs, and spiritual interventions to finally expunge the junta virus from their governmental system. Letters of Obasanjo therefore remain a dangerous option to sustaining this democracy. Finally, please note that Obasanjo is a choice not a constitutional obligation – therefore you may follow him at your own risk. 

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Melania’s Statue – Between Abstract Sculpture and Mediocrity of Imaginative Skills

The composition is vague and the image is too pale for Melania, a lady obsessed with fashion and style.

Within the boundaries of the wonderful world of abstractism and the adjoining values, this Melania Trump’s statue remains a sculptural blunder borne out of mediocrity of creative skills. The composition is vague, and the image is too pale for Melania, a lady obsessed with fashion and style.  

By Anthony Obi Ogbo

The photo – a resemblance of a worn-out overfed scarecrow is actually a wooden statue of First Lady, Melania Trump. It was created by Ales “Maxi” Zupevc, a local Slovenian artist who used a chainsaw to execute his motif. Funny enough, this statue was commissioned by Berlin-based American Artist Brad Downey. Already most people thought the statue was a disgrace but the sculptor literally believed that Melania’s signature Ralph Lauren blue suit he depicted in his artifice validated his creation.

Fine Art does not work that way – and that is why most impressionists or perhaps surrealists would be very careful about a contentious art-for-art-sake reputation.  Artists may create anything. In fact, art may be created to please the artist’s imaginative soul, but the piece must convey substantial standards. The composition must not just be exceptional but also, most significantly, radiate some philosophical vigor.   

Mona Lisa’s mystic smile was not an accidental strokes of brush. Leonardo da Vinci, who equally studied the anatomical structures of the lips knew where he was headed to with her model.  Thus he rendered his imagination tactfully and captured the supernatural expressions in Monalisa’s smiles. Wrote Walter Isaacson on how Leonardo da Vinci achieved some Mona Lisa’s mysteries:

“There is other science involved in the smile. From his optics studies, Leonardo realized that light rays do not come to a single point in the eye but hit the whole area of the retina. The central area of the retina, known as the fovea, is best at seeing color and small details. The area surrounding the fovea is best at picking up shadows and shadings of black and white. When we look at an object straight on, it appears sharper. When we look at it peripherally, glimpsing it out of the corner of our eye, it is blurred, as if it were farther away.”

Abstract in fine art remains a constructive impression.  Inspired by fantasy and nature, a British contemporary sculptor, Martin Debenham created stainless steel wire sculptures. He made constructivism very simple and stylish – using very flexible materials, complex twists, and bends of wires to mold home his masterpiece. His mermaid wire-piece is an abstract rendering of a mermaid siting on a rock by a lily pond in a calming posture.  Without the doubt, this piece conjures some mythical narratives that could woo any observer.

Martin Debenham’s mermaid wire-piece is an abstract rendering of a mermaid siting on a rock by a lily pond in a calming posture.  Without the doubt, this piece conjures some mythical narratives that could woo any observer.

Within the boundaries of the wonderful world of abstractism and the adjoining values, this Melania Trump’s statue remains a sculptural blunder borne out of mediocrity of creative skills. The composition is vague, and the image is too pale for Melania, a lady obsessed with fashion and style.  Abstract is a good form of fine art. It shows a departure from reality, and an expedition to the unknown through some imaginative actions to invoke creativity. The concept breeds freedom of thoughts and inspires visual connections and interpretations. However, artists down with Imaginative skills could hold on to this philosophy to escape a lack of imagination.

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Abubakar Bukola Saraki’s ‘Ambassadorial Propaganda’ instigated to boost a battered political career

Abubakar Bukola Saraki’s ‘Ambassadorial Propaganda’ instigated to boost a battered political career

By ANTHONY OBI OGBO

For those who may have already forgotten, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki is the Nigeria’s current Senate President who lost his reelection bid. Regretfully and most humiliatingly too. For instance, he had bragged about his influence in the most despicable manner and touted his dogmatic ego as a fearless area “godfather.” So when his defeat came, he could not but hide his face. For instance, in the National Assembly elections held in his constituency in Kwara State, Senator Saraki, who contested on the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) crumbled helplessly, losing to his All Progressives Congress (APC) rival, Ibrahim Oloriegbe. To add to his bruises, Senator Saraki also lost all four of the local governments in his senatorial district and could not even deliver his base to his party’s presidential race.

 

So, after months of this humiliation, Senator Saraki had to look for a podium to save his dismantled political realms. This opportunity finally came two days ago from his obscure basement – through his Media Office, that the Senate leader has been nominated an International Human Rights Commission Ambassador.

 

In the most crooked descriptive manner, they made it appear like an Ambassador of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), which is indeed a United Nations body whose mission is to promote and protect human rights around the world. But Senator Saraki’s International Human Rights Commission (IHRC) is actually an unfamiliar local civic association registered 2014 in Ukraine to create an international network to observe conflict zones in just that region.

 

Of course, Senator Saraki is free to join any group or association that appeals to his interest. However, it should not be a ‘breaking news’ that a Senate President of Africa’s most populous country joined a strange group monitoring conflict zones in Ukraine – especially, where his own people in Kwara State need more monitoring and observing as regards security and rights abuse. 

 

To make it worse, a so called Ambassador Friday Sani, introduced as the “Diplomatic Head of the Commission to Nigeria and other African Countries”, is in fact, another Nigerian member of the organization – a self-acclaimed ambassador helping Senator Saraki to perpetrate this campaign to excite his base saddened by his miserable election outing. Just read Sani’s comment, as he offers life-support to the tumbled Senate head:

“Besides, the Commission is not unmindful of the maturity that you recently displayed in the face of an obvious provocation in your constituency during the last Presidential and National Assembly elections.”

 

Which maturity? What is matured about losing an election, accepting defeat and going home? It is an inescapable responsibility to lose and get out of the way  – nothing to do with maturity.  The most disappointing part of this story is not by any chance an attempt by Senator Saraki and his media team to override his ballot letdown through a deceptive campaign. Nope. The disappointing part is that almost all major Nigerian media outlets, bloggers, and social media chatterers copied and pasted this release without a scrap of research or basic inquiry. 

NOT THE SAME….In the most crooked descriptive manner, they made it appear like an Ambassador of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), which is indeed a United Nations body whose mission is to promote and protect human rights around the world. 

 

Of course, Senator Saraki is free to join any group or association that appeals to his interest. However, it should not be a ‘breaking news’ that a Senate President of Africa’s most populous country joined a strange group monitoring conflict zones in Ukraine – especially, where his own people in Kwara State need more monitoring and observing as regards security and rights abuse. 

From unpaid salaries in his own Kwara constituents through a total lack of internal security, his unpopular defection from the APC to PDP, unprecedented revolt from his own people, and a long list of corruption cases, Senator Saraki’s political anguishes are a predictable saga.  Salvaging such woes require more than a misleading media publicity in form of breaking news stories. Senator Saraki must realize that his people are still unhappy with his unproductive years in government. Salvaging that trend requires a more holistic approach rather than a prevailing drum-beating arrogance. 

 

This piece is not intended to denigrate an already politically battered Senator, but simply, a disapproval of gravely disastrous leaders who would tread on vulnerability of the constituents they have practically ruined.  

 

This piece is not intended to denigrate an already politically battered Senator, but simply, a disapproval of gravely disastrous leaders who would tread on vulnerability of the constituents they have practically ruined.  Senator Saraki, and all other politicians rubbished by the dust of 2019 General Elections in Nigeria should wake up to reality, and show that they are true leaders, not selfish overbearing charlatans. They should reexamine the damages they have caused on their regions, their people, and resources placed under their care, which by the way they fraudulently took away.  They should not run away to Dubai. No. They must stick around and collaborate with their successors on reforming a catastrophic governmental system they cultivated.  

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD, Adjunct Professor at the Texas Southern University is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Nigeria’s election – why the major opposition, PDP crashed in the presidential race

Nigeria’s election – why the major opposition, PDP crashed in the presidential race

ANTHONY OBI OGBO

This article is not an endorsement of the recently concluded presidential election because in Nigeria’s dysfunctional electoral system, the party which rigs the most wins the race. However, this paper investigates in clear terms, the parties, their candidates, and their preparedness in handling their election challenges.

Africa is a continent fraught with governance issues. At the root of its problems is a single but multi-faceted factor that the process of choosing the right leader through a credible election is yet to be institutionalized and modified to meet the integrity standards. This is further complicated by an unfair power of incumbency structure – a pattern where the incumbent presides over an election in which he or she contests. Unlike developed countries where the electoral process is significantly structured without interferences, Africa continues to walk the democratic path the other way. Although choreographed and muscled into subjugation of this cluttered selection process, the defenseless masses also play supporting roles as they cheer and enable the worst leaders in their domain.  

 

In Nigeria’s just-concluded Presidential elections, The People Democratic Party (PDP) failed to unseat their rival, the incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari who ran under the All Progressive Congress.  President Buhari, faced off with Atiku Abubakar, a former vice president and bombastically wealthy business leader who represented the PDP. Of course, there was a line-up of other party candidates on the ballot, but the race was clearly a two-man duel. Atiku however, described the polls as a “sham election”, rejecting the results and contesting it in the court system.

 

This current situation explains the structure of Nigeria’s shattered political system.  The ruling President, and indeed, his party, often reserved the ‘upper hand’ in supervising the elections process – making it difficult to challenge their incumbency. For instance, shortly before this election, the Buhari regime met with the defense service chiefs several times, reshuffled the electoral management, and apparently installed his trusted confidants in the core corridors of the process. Most importantly, Buhari brazenly reorganized the Supreme Court – a move that heated up the electorate. It was conclusively, a self-serving action to position himself favorably for possible post-election litigation. Without a doubt, these actions were carried out strategically to protect this incumbent from any poll surprises. That is just the power of incumbency in Nigeria, structured by the system to weaken challengers.

 

Viewing from another perspective, the issue of election preparedness remains the major reasons for PDP’s political loss. First, the Party’s failure in 2015 polls disorganized it. In fact, for almost three years into Buhari’s presidency, the PDP, sunk in internal strife, remained a harmless and voiceless opposition. Broken to smithereens, they submitted to a free-for-all in-house leadership wrangle. Later, under the National Chairmanship of one Prince Uche Secondus, the party struggled helplessly in the murky waters of apathy, while the incumbent APC overran the network with campaign propaganda.

 

Broken to smithereens, they submitted to a free-for-all in-house leadership wrangle. Later, under the National Chairmanship of one Prince Uche Secondus, the party struggled helplessly in the murky waters of apathy, while the incumbent APC overran the network with campaign propaganda.

 

It appears history repeated itself. In the 2015 election where the PDP lost as the incumbent, a similar blunder occurred. While the APC were ceaselessly overrunning the voting population with campaign propaganda, incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan’s campaign coordinators were busy scrabbling and garnering funds for personal interests. It may be recalled that this sitting President and his wife at the time, did not even pass the election card- accreditation process – an indication that the digital voting system across the nation might have been  fraught with technical hitches and possibly, a breach of the  process. Even as President Jonathan and his wife were declined by the card readers at their home town, Otuoke in Bayelsa State; this President ignorantly missed the opportunity to question the integrity of the electoral process. The result was a miserable crash that has plagued the PDP since 2015.

 

Unlike the PDP, President Buhari and his APC handlers strategically mapped out a reelection roadmap way ahead of the Presidential Election. About eight months to this election, the APC repackaged their candidate Buhari, and made up enough excuses for his disastrous three-year outing.  Unfortunately, the PDP at the time was still far away from naming a candidate to challenge this dragon. To make up for a lack of a possible presidential flag bearer at the time, it embarked on a meaningless “Anybody but Buhari” campaign. This again, was where the PDP got it wrong. A proposal to replace a bad leader with just about anything is not a strategy. It is indeed an anthem for a failed opposition.

 

To make up for a lack of a possible presidential flag bearer at the time, it embarked on a meaningless “Anybody but Buhari” campaign. This again, was where PDP got it wrong. A proposal to replace a bad leader with just about anything is not a strategy. It is indeed an anthem for a failed opposition.

 

This article is not an endorsement of the recently concluded presidential election because in Nigeria’s dysfunctional electoral system, the party which rigs the most wins the race. However, this paper investigates in clear terms, the parties, their candidates, and their preparedness in handling their election challenges. While Buhari might not have been regarded as the best choice for Nigerians, his campaign was strengthened by the inactions of his challenger, Atiku Abubakar who was portrayed as having the tendency to share the national treasury with the wolves who surrounded his candidacy.

 

Yet the APC projected two campaign strategies to sugar-coat a catastrophic first term. They started with “Next Level” crusade, claiming that this incumbent was set to take the country into the next level of economic comfort zone of possibilities. A few months to the election, it launched another campaign – the “4+4” mantra – demanding the completion of another a 4-year tenure for their candidate. The opposition strategists failed to impugn Buhari’s strategists, nor did they provide a superior crusade. Sadly, PDP’s structure remained chaotic, unable to conceptually implement effective campaign strategies, as their enthusiasts sporadically engaged in innocuous social media rants.

 

To win an election, there must be strategic plans or convincing programs to sell to the electorates. But attempting to bribe voters or compromise election workers are definitely not the options for consideration.    Sadly, without any meaningful preparations, PDP and its candidate handed Buhari another 4-year tenure of potential policy vagueness. The question now is, would this opposition go back to a usual sleep and wake up a month before the next election in 2023 to resume an impossible electoral victory? The reality is, if any party is serious about unseating this incumbent government, it must start right at this moment.  Thus, PDP should go back to the drawing board, embark on self-process audit ad revisit its people, structure, and strategy.

 

♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

Nigeria’s search for an effective Leader – The obnoxious truth about the forthcoming presidential race

Two major presidential candidates are on the forefront- from the two largest parties. The incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari of All Progressives Congress (APC), and a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar representing the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Nigeria’s search for an effective Leader – The obnoxious truth about the forthcoming presidential race

ANTHONY OBI OGBO

It has indeed come down to this – a race Between Rightwing Dictator and an Established Thief

 

For over 58 years, Nigeria has been in search of leaders with the right motive and intelligence to truly move the country to a self-sustaining level. For a country blessed with natural resources, only an insignificant number live above the poverty line. Every four years, the country’s political atmosphere is charged as different personalities vie for the most exalted office of President of the Federal Republic Nigeria. Yet the country remains unlucky in electing effective leaders who will institutionalize ethical leadership, and steer the country to an enviable status from the current global embarrassment.

 

It is not news then that Nigeria’s General Elections will be held on 16 February 2019. The campaign by political parties have intensified at various constituencies, and in most cases rough, as loyalist engage each other at rallies and on social media. But two major presidential candidates are on the forefront- from the two largest parties. The incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari of All Progressives Congress (APC), and a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar representing the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

 

These two candidates are not new in Nigeria’s political arena. Buhari who has been in office since 2015  was a Major General in the Nigerian Army and previously served as the Head of State from 1983 to 1985, after taking power in a military coup d’état that dethroned the Democratic Government at the time. Atiku was the Governor-elect of Adamawa State when he was selected by the then Presidential Candidate, Olusegun Obasanjo as his running mate. He served as the Vice President from 1999 to 2007.

 

Undeniably, he is not medically fit; during his first two years, he shuttled to-and-from unknown medical facilities abroad to attend to his constantly failing health. Atiku, on the other hand, has spent his time making lavish trips abroad while he courted local chiefs and political godfathers to explore his political options and chances.  Nonetheless, Atiku has visible investments in local and multinational corporations operating in Nigeria.

 

The purpose of this article is not to highlight the political history of these individuals. While the majority of voters are divided between the two major platforms, the APC and PDP, the choice of Presidency remains a tough call in a Nation currently dwindling through economic and sociopolitical turmoil. Currently, little or no progress has been made by the incumbent in addressing major issues bedeviling the country. From the economy through internal security, Buhari has fumbled without a blueprint and made flimsy excuses each time. Undeniably, he is not medically fit; during his first two years, he shuttled to-and-from unknown medical facilities abroad to attend to his constantly failing health. For a public servant who seeks to lead a country of over 200 million people, Buhari has continued to put on lid on his medical fitness. Atiku, on the other hand, has spent his time making lavish trips abroad while he courted local chiefs and political godfathers to explore his political options and chances.  Nonetheless, Atiku has visible investments in local and multinational corporations operating in Nigeria.

 

Unfortunately, Buhari’s first term has not yielded the projected fruits because he does not appear to have the answers to institutionalized corruption and economic challenges that Nigeria currently faces. Yet, voters are skeptical about Atiku due to his horribly scandalous transgressions as a public servant.

 

Unfortunately, Buhari’s first term has not yielded the projected fruits because he does not appear to have the answers to institutionalized corruption and economic challenges that Nigeria currently faces. Yet, voters are skeptical about Atiku due to his horribly scandalous transgressions as a public servant.

 

Personally, I have spent the last five years criticizing Buhari; his dictatorial demeanor, ignorance in matters of contemporary leadership, and blindness to political governance. In fact, in my book, Governance – The Buhari’s Way, I described him as the most dangerous bee that lands on a scrotum. “Punch it, you smash your manhood; leave it, and you are stung to death.” Yes, he is that killer-bee that perches on the balls, wheezing for a destructive sting. He was involved—one way or the other—in every Nigerian military rule since the 1966-1969 civil war; participated in coups; and, as a retired junta member, ran three presidential races without a scrap of success, until a coalition of parties determined to change the witless government of the day, gave him the platform that aided his electoral victory in the 2015 General Elections.

 

Atiku, on the other hand, is no good. He is one of those politician elites who prospered through public-fund looting.  Bombastically rich, Atiku shuttles rich cities in the Middle East and would swagger money, extravagant gifts, and young women.  Atiku’s fraud case with William Jefferson – a former Louisiana politician who served as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for nine terms from 1991 to 2009 made global history.

 

Jefferson, infamous for having $90,000 in bribe money hidden in his freezer, is serving a 13-year prison sentence after being convicted on a slew of federal corruption charges.  One of the most puzzling and intriguing facets of the case is that Jefferson’s partner-in-crime Atiku, the Vice President of Nigeria at the time divided his time between his Vice President position and Potomac, MD., where he and one of his four wives maintain a $2.2 million mansion.  While Jefferson resides in a rent-free jail, Abubakar not only remains free but also, he is a Presidential candidate in a country where thieves are glorified. Unfortunately, it is leadership culture in Africa that most thieves do not go to jail, but occupy public offices. So, Atiku is no exception.

 

Buhari’s 2015 promise of fighting corruption is paralyzed by his inaction of reported sleaze around his protégés and trusted officials. This has become a major ethical burden to the Nigerian President.  Atiku, in this campaign moment, has paraded written pieces of literature about solving Nigeria’s moral issues. However, it would take a moral person to fight an immoral society. Atiku’s moral standing is still questionable.

 

The Presidential race beyond parties is clear; the voters would be left with two candidates that have no proven capacity to move the country forward. Burahi’s path for a moral society is a good proposal, but in both his years as a dictator and first term as an elected leader, he has shown a total lack of intellectual capacity to address matters of ethical governance. His 2015 promise of fighting corruption is paralyzed by his inaction of reported sleaze around his protégés and trusted officials. This has become a major ethical burden to the Nigerian President.  Atiku, in this campaign moment, has paraded written pieces of literature about solving Nigeria’s moral issues. However, it would take a moral person to fight an immoral society. Atiku’s moral standing is still questionable.

 

Notwithstanding the lapses these two candidates exhibit, today, they are barring fangs to tear each other apart in a Presidential race a week away. Voters should be worried, that Buhari even as a failed incumbent, has a challenger that may not be trusted with the country. One of the core doctrines of change in the political contest is not just a handover of the leadership baton. The challenger must be morally and intellectually upright; must tender convincing proposal for change; and must show knowledge of conversion of strategies into governance actions. So far, Atiku’s camp has been parading basic campaign posters of unsubstantiated policy proposals irrelevant to major issues of the moment.  

 

To be clear, this article is not an endorsement of any candidate but a synopsis of the uncertainties that befog Nigeria’s chances to attract a good leader in the forthcoming elections. The next best solution could have been a radical change initiated by a frustrated population. This might entail a disregard of the two major candidates for entirely somebody new for a holistic political detour. But the current political terrain would not support that option in a society where traditional and tribal connectivity still dominates social and political actions.

 

Without a doubt, this race might boil down to a choice between Buhari, a timid, nepotic but stingy rightist who would sit down on the national wealth without a clue about how to invest, and a lavish and irresponsible spender called Atiku, who could share the national treasury with the wolves that currently surround his candidacy.

 

So, voters might be faced with a choice between two candidates, one is a dictator, and the other an established thief. Without a doubt, this race might boil down to a choice between Buhari, a timid, nepotic but stingy rightist who would sit down on the national wealth without a clue about how to invest, and a lavish and irresponsible spender called Atiku, who could share the national treasury with the wolves that currently surround his candidacy.

 

Buhari’s battle with his health might yet not be over. So he might make more trips to fix himself. But Atiku has equally spent more time beyond the shores. He would lie to the nation that he was at a strategy meeting in Dubai, whereas he was busy meeting with unscrupulous money mongers that invest in his campaign. So, the choice is clear, between a weak, clueless, ailing incumbent who might still make many more trips abroad to heal a retiring soul, and a challenger whose fiscal recklessness, corrupt personality, and affiliation with dishonest political vandals might further sink Nigeria’s economy irreparably.

Either way, Nigeria continues the search for an effective leadership – it might take time.

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♦ Anthony Ogbo, PhD is the author of the Influence of Leadership (2015)  and the Maxims of Political Leadership (2019). Contact: anthony@guardiannews.us

My latest book “Maxims of Political Leadership” is ready for the prime-time

My latest book “Maxims of Political Leadership” is ready for the prime-time 

Anthony Obi Ogbo

This book unleashes thoughts and reflections on issues in management and contemporary leadership. But before you ask, please note that this book is not about metaphors neither is it a research study on maxims. Whereas phrases and paragraphs are riddled with tropes of structural leadership realities, the entire content remains a deconstruction of comprehensible management tools, conceptual theories, and conventional MAXIMS relevant to the actions of POLITICAL LEADERSHIP and organizational change management. 

 

In unraveling the ontological meaning, interpretation, and application of leadership, I provide remedies to the disparaging afflictions of leading beyond the conjectural boundaries of organizing people, their hopes, and aspirations.  In this book, I explained the process of leading and managing, and offered substantial clues on how leader or managers could harness their resources and translate their communal crisis into a plantation of economic possibilities. My tone was most philosophical. For instance, in a shear reversal, rather than ask or explain what leadership is or should be, my approach came from a backmost standpoint by asking and conveying what leadership is not and should not be. At some point, I appeared sarcastic, but delivered the conviction, that   “if he talks like Robert Mugabe; tweets like Donald Trump; or parades the ruthless disposition of Kim Jong-un, it is definitely NOT Leadership.”

 

I explained the process of leading and managing, and offered substantial clues on how leader or managers could harness their resources and translate their communal crisis into a plantation of economic possibilities.

 

I took the managerial actions of innovation seriously and raised effective measurable concepts to convey fundamental actions of technology innovation management. I flaunted the change management process and explained substantial actions that would directly influence employee-behavior toward this cause.  I presented actions of technology integration for performance efficacy and offered considerable innovation process measurement tools that would ultimately enable managers to monitor, control, and improve system performance at all production levels. The emphasis was clear, that effective innovation process must not just be measurable, but also have the propensity to move theories into creativity; convert ideas into outputs; and transform opportunities into merchantable results.

 

I presented actions of technology integration for performance efficacy and offered considerable innovation process measurement tools that would ultimately enable managers to monitor, control, and improve system performance at all production levels.

 

Another interesting chapter in this book was a philosophical revelation of the cradle of workforce emotional management actions. Of course, a regulation of employee emotions is paramount to creating a decent workplace structure – thus, in organizational leadership, complexities of decision-making engagements in managing could activate a negative attitude among subordinates. My argument is that good pay raise and other reward schemes could boost optimism among employees, but a lack of positive attitude in addressing management matters might devastatingly deface employee emotional comportment. I presented insights about identifying and mitigating such negative challenges through a constructive approach to employee supervision. I offered effective cognitive tools capable of alleviating nonsensical workplace conditions and transforming them into useful supervision possibilities and values. Then I dissected the psychological significance of how positive attitude could empower employees with hope and aspiration; promote organizational trust, and foster optimism, satisfaction, loyalty, and sense of responsibility in the production system.

 

I dissected the psychological significance of how positive attitude could empower employees with hope and aspiration; promote organizational trust, and foster optimism, satisfaction, loyalty, and sense of responsibility in the production system.

 

All through this book, constructive MAXIMS of political leadership were presented, and in specific cases explained. For instance, I noted that there were indeed “Three political parties in the United States; Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and the Supreme Court.” It is simply a maxim expressing how  in the United States, the Supreme Court is fragmented into the liberals and conservative ideological spheres, which in critical cases, forces Judges to favor litigants from their own sociopolitical fraternity. The increasingly partisan nature of the Supreme Court nomination and confirmation process is evidential – that this sector is now structured to reflect party-ideological partisanship tied to political considerations and interests.

 

The overall content of this book specifically reveal a body of theories, thoughts, and phrases confronting head-on, substantial difficulties of organizational management and authority.  This book will hit the stands in November 2018.

 

■ Dr. Ogbo, author of Influence of Leadership, is the Publisher of Houston-based International Guardian News.  Contact Dr. Ogbo >>>

 

ANNID’s court controversy sets ethical philosophy on trial

ANTHONY OBI OGBO

ANNID’s court controversy sets ethical actions on trial

In a society where the abuse of fiduciary obligations is a culture, the court has a role – the moral responsibility to either protect or discourage a culture of a derail in moral standards

Court fights over a record level of fund abuse or embezzlement by individuals of various organizations of the Nigerian community in Houston are not strange. The judicial district courts know them by codes and judges know them by names or faces, as they shuttle several floors of the civil court building on 201 Caroline Street in Houston for court appearances.

 

In furtherance of that tradition, officials and members of the ANNID Houston, Inc. will be heading to court August 16, at 10:30 a.m. in the 61st Judicial District Court on the Caroline. This event is for an oral hearing on a non-traditional motion regarding an initial petition the group had filed against some of their members over “wrongfully, and without organizational purpose or authority” withdrawal from group’s bank Account. (See Plaintiff’s Original Petition –ANNID Houston, Inc. V. Hyacinth Enyinnia, et al.).

 

So why is this motion nontraditional? These defendants are not defending  the allegations “that they illegally” withdrew money, but instead, they are investing money in asking the court to dismiss the case because “a former Secretary who hired Attorney Meadows (Plaintiffs’ attorney) did not have authority to do so. (See DEFENDANTS’ MOTION TO SHOW AUTHORITY).

 

In the initial petition, ANNID had complained that some of their “former officers and members” named in the lawsuit had “wrongfully and illegally withdrew funds” from the organizations banking account and have equally failed to render account. One of the defendants at the time in October 2015 withdrew $44,000.00 from the group’s IBC bank account; one other defendant took away the sum of $104.10, while another defendant  wrote a check for himself for $4,770.00 the same month.

Furthermore, we must  understand that dragging fraud suspects to the civil courts is immaterial and only allows culprits the escape windows. For a nonprofit organization with the mission to provide aid to the less privileged, any proven unauthorized withdrawal of fund is felonious and must not be subjected to a pricey debt-collection courtroom fiasco.

The history and activities of ANNID as a political group is another complicated issue, but the ANNID referenced in this article is a nonprofit corporation – comprising of Nigerians which according to the petition, “aids and supports other Nigerian organizations and Nigerian natives immigrating to  the United States.”

 

The truth is that there is more to ANNID than the current lawsuit. Perhaps, if ANNID had taken time to explain their source of income and how the feuding fund was generated, it would have been easier to analyze why their bank account was subjected to such plunder. But the purpose of this article is not about the structure of ANNID, neither is it about the timeline that trailed its current doom. This piece simply centers  on the role of the legal system in sustaining effective ethical standards in our local communities.

 

In the past ten years, for instance, most Nigeria organizations have spent tens of thousands of dollars in litigation over either fraudulent members or rivalry factions who sized up their treasuries.  For example, in ANASCO case (ANAMBRA STATE COMMUNITY IN HOUSTON, Appellants V. ANAMBRA STATE COMMUNITY, HOUSTON, Appellee), the two feuding groups fought for more than four years, particularly at an issue involving the right to $9,150, transferred from one bank account to another in the midst of a leadership crisis. By the time this case went to the Court of Appeals for the First District of Texas, more than a hundred thousand Dollars have been spent by both sides on legal fees, court filings, and service time.

 

Ethics are excellent values and must be protected by the system. It must not be on trial, rather, those who fall short of those values must be held accountable. In a society where the abuse of fiduciary obligations is a culture, the court has a role – the moral responsibility to either protect or discourage a culture of the derail in ethical standards. They could protect this society by subverting unintelligible legal technicalities that protect an organizational culture of fraud and arrogance. Or, on the contrary, they could hang on to the relevant provisions of law to technically empower the amoral actions of unscrupulous community leaders and individuals.

 

Furthermore, we must  understand that dragging fraud suspects to the civil courts is immaterial and only allows culprits the escape windows. For a nonprofit organization with the mission to provide aid to the less privileged, any proven unauthorized withdrawal of fund is felonious and must not be subjected to a pricey debt-collection courtroom fiasco. Thieves are thieves and must face the law as thieves.  

 

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Author of Influence of Leadership, Anthony Obi Ogbo, Ph.D. is the Publisher of Texas International Guardian and Editor/ facilitator of the American Journal of Transformational Leadership.

Contact  Dr. Ogbo >>>

 

FILE DOWNLOADS (Click on headlines below to download)

Original Petition (Plaintiff’s Original Petition –ANNID Houston, Inc. V. Hyacinth Enyinnia, et al)

■ Defendants’ Motion to Show Authority

■ Defendants original answer and request for disclosure

Notice of oral hearin

Did Africa go to 2018 Soccer World Cup to compete or participate?

With a shameful record from 15 games, resulting in 10 defeats, 2 draws and just 3 wins, the Motherland continent bows of soccer World Cup without tangible reasons

I can as well categorize competitors of the FIFA World Cup into two: the contestant and participant – former being the highly motivated competitor eager to lift the trophy. Then the former, a qualifier who enters the tournament with no winning soul besides the spirit of sportsmanship and involvement. He comes back with a smartphone with overloaded memory of assorted photo albums and World Cup fun

By Anthony Obi Ogbo

moments.

Certainly, this is how the competition process works. Winners or losers notwithstanding, all participants are valued and respected for humbly participating. However, after participation comes accountability. This is because the very basic aim of going into any contest is to win not to participate. Therefore, a deplorable losing record   is not what anybody wants to celebrate – not in soccer.

Going into this tournament, there were still hopes that Africa could beat her previous World Cup records. In 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil, two teams – Nigeria and Algeria – reached the second round for the first time. Unfortunately, Africa – the Motherland continent was submerged in a mind-numbing losing humiliation.

Out of 32, the continent took five countries (Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Nigeria and Senegal) to this tournament,   played 15 games, which disgracefully resulted in 10 defeats, two draws and just three wins before the entire squads were sent parking. Believably, this did not come as a surprise because the continent has been consistent with very poor records in the FIFA World Cup competitions.

Russia simply is a prolongation of Africa’s global soccer woes. For instance,  Egypt, placed in the weakest group in the tournament displayed no winning strategy until it slumped out. The team had bragged and relied on Mohamed Salah, described as one of the world’s best players. Someone might have told them that one tree does not make a forest.

Morocco’s demise added more salt to the injury for these North African soccer warriors did not win a single game. The team struggled in every game, even with Khalid Boutaib, the Yeni Malatyaspor forward named Best Player at the African Nations Championship earlier this year.

Africa’s low-spirited moments got even worse with Nigeria, which struggled and finally tripped off in Group D tagged the “Group of Death.” Duel involving Argentina, Croatia, Iceland, and Nigeria are obviously a tough battle zone. Yet, that should not be an excuse for substandard performance. In fact, Nigeria’s final loss – a game with Argentina unfolded their unpreparedness and total lack of competitiveness.

The remaining two teams, Tunisia and Senegal displayed good talents, but again, the occasion came down to either a win or a loss.  Tunisia struggled to advance from a challenging group that also included both Belgium and England whereas Senegal contested strongly in Group H with Poland, Colombia, and Japan, but could not advance to a second round.

Senegal indeed made Africa proud winning a first game – and the continent’s too, against a poorly composed Poland. It drew Japan 2-2, but lost to Columbia. The Senegalese defeat by Colombia was their first in a World Cup group game. Even as they exited the competition, it held Africa’s strongest record at the finals – with three wins and just two defeats from their eight games.

As far as Africa is concern, the 2018 FIFA World Cup has come and gone. However, it might be significant to ponder on why this soccer-loving continent whose players are scattered all over Western countries playing professional soccer, still struggles in every global tournament.

Let us bear in mind that sports departments and soccer association in Africa are either poorly funded, or run by corrupt and greedy officers who would fraudulently trade their mandate for greed. Currently, the African soccer fraternity has become a recruiting ground for foreign teams who tactfully take advantage of a vulnerable system overrun by terrible fraud and brain drain.  Even Chinese teams now go to Africa to recruit players to build their own professional league system. So how practicable could a continent unable to manage a professional soccer league system progress in the FIFA World Cup?

If the aforementioned issues and many more are not carefully addressed and thoroughly mitigated, Africa would remain incompetent sorry participants in the upcoming FIFA World Cup.

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■  Publisher/Editor ,  Anthony Obi Ogbo,  is the author of “The Influence of Leadership.” Contact >>>

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